This course examines issues of change and continuity in international relations by taking up the legacy of great power politics and how that legacy is affected by the phenomena of globalization.  The contemporary international system is a historical product of sovereign nation states whose traditional interests and foreign policy objectives have been defined in terms of power.  War and conflict was a natural and unavoidable outcome of the international struggle for power.  Traditional methods of diplomacy have sometimes deflected war through territorial and political settlements based on the concrete national interests of the major powers.  Diplomacy was designed not to transform the international environment but to preserve the independence of leading nations and uphold the balance of power or spheres of influence.  The claims of international law and broad principles of morality were often negligible as states measured success and survival either by increasing their power or by neutralizing the capabilities of other rivals.  Violence, coercion, and countervailing power have been the principal means by which states have protected the integrity of their political life and defended their security against external threats and subversion.

     Globalization today is a set of complex processes and developments that challenge the modern nation state system that has been in place for the last four hundred years.  Clearly, modern revolutions in science, technology, and transformation have the potential to alter politics between nations as they have altered politics within nations.  From the workings of the international economy to new forms of intervention–whether of a so-called humanitarian nature or to combat the evil of terrorism–the idea of the all-powerful, monolithic nation state is undergoing revision.  The rise of new international coalitions, the increasing activity of non-state actors in world politics, the demands of peacekeeping and nation building, the legal and moral pursuit of war criminals, the impact of international monetary and lending institutions on struggling economies throughout the world–all of these signal growing forms of interdependence.  International politics, now more than ever, is transnational politics.  The problems of international politics are global in scope and increasingly require global (or common) solutions.  Solitary nation states can no longer insulate themselves (much less always protect themselves) from new challenges to their economic prosperity or even their national security.  Unlike earlier periods of history, even the most powerful remain vulnerable to international forces they cannot always control or manipulate to their own national advantage.

     Does globalization mean to end to traditional forms of great power rivalry?  Certainly we know that a handful of leading nations seek dominant roles within their respective regions and sometimes beyond.  Certainly we know that most nations continue to cling to the priority of their own national interests.  Certainly we know that war and conflict remain central to world politics, even if war between great powers seems less likely.  Even in the context of debates about the expansion of NATO or economic potential of the Pacific Rim, leaders speak of the balance of power.  Does interdependence increase the likelihood for conflict or cooperation, or perhaps both depending on the issues at stake and different players involved?  Even if the international system is changing, commentators still ask us not to ignore the "lessons of history" (e.g., resisting aggressors or combating genocide).  Trying to judge the relevance of both great power politics throws us back on basic questions: What are the main determinants of state behavior?  Is international politics really a study in anarchy?  What constitutes a great power and how is power measured?  Does interdependence and globalization signal that states are more likely, or less likely, to work within international institutions and justify their actions on the basis of international law?  Do we learn more from Machiavelli, who advised the Prince on the enduring ways of power politics, or do we learn more from Immanuel Kant, who made the case for perpetual peace among republican or democratic regimes?

Course Format

     Class lecture and discussion will develop topics covered in the assigned texts as well as in other sources of information.  Lecture, however, will not simply summarize each page of reading.  A careful reading of the assigned chapters, along with mastering the relevant details and examples provided by the authors, is the responsibility of each student.  Note-taking is a supplement to the hard work of engaging the author(s) from one page to the next.  Reading skills may benefit by extensive outlines, notes in the margins of key pages, and highlighted passages of each text.

     The assigned works for this class provide a short introduction to the different approaches to international relations.  Read, in addition, any and all material that helps you to understand the various subfields and concepts in international relations.  Your time here is limited!  Both new and classic works in the field are at your disposal at Bizzell Memorial Library.  You may also wish to consult leading journals in history, political science, and international affairs.

     Issues regarding American diplomacy and world affairs are covered routinely in the pages and editorial columns of leading newspapers.  You have free access to web sites for the New York Times, Washington Post, and Los Angeles Times.  Other media outlets–CNN, ABC News, MSNBC, Drudge Report, BBC, the United Nations, and NATO–are also helpful.  Policy issues may be explored at a variety of governmental web sites: State Department, White House, Congress, Defense Department, and NATO.  The (non-governmental) Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) publishes and makes available a wide variety of material on America's changing role in world politics.  In addition, the CFR makes available numerous background essays on foreign policy and international politics.

Email

 A record of your email address will be maintained for the distribution of material relevant for the course.  Review sheets for examinations may be sent via email.  Students may also utilize email for any questions or concerns about the course format or assigned material.

Attendance & Course Requirements

     Students are expected to be prepared and present for every class meeting.  It is practically impossible to take this class, and to do well in this class, unless you are both seen and heard from!  It is in the public setting of the class room, from one meeting to the next, where we talk about the material and engage one another in debate about underlying political values and enduring issues of international politics.  A record of attendance is maintained and each unexcused absence carries a three point grade penalty subtracted from the final course grade.

     Absences are excused only in cases involving serious illness or hospitalization, funeral obligations, or university-approved travel.  In all cases, however, written documentation must be provided for purposes of verification.  Lifestyle and employment considerations do not fall under the category of excused absences.  Any other issues affecting a student's attendance must be discussed in advance of any assignment or examination with the professor.  No make-up work is accepted.  Students are responsible for all university policies and deadlines that in any way affect their standing in this course.

Assigned Texts

John J. Mearsheimer, The Tragedy Of Great Power Politics (2001).
Thomas L. Friedman, The Lexus And The Olive Tree (Updated & Expanded Version, 2000).

Friedman Op-Ed Column (Assigned)

    Friedman is the foreign affairs columnist for the New York Times' Op-Ed page.  He usually produces two columns a week.  Most of these will be discussed in class and could be covered on examinations.  His column may easily be accessed over the computer at the website for the New York Times.

Grades & Examinations

     Final course grades will be based on three examinations, each of which will represent one-third of the final grade.  The format for all three examinations will be a combination of short answer/essay.  Reviews for each exam will be distributed one week in advance of the test date.  Any make-up examination must conform to the attendance policy outlined above.  Make-up examinations must be taken the first day back in class.

Course Calendar

Jan. 15: Mearsheimer, Chap. 1.

Jan. 17: Friedman, Opening Scene, Chaps. 1-2.

Jan. 22: Mearsheimer, Chap. 2.

Jan. 24: Friedman, Chaps. 3-4.

Jan. 31: Mearsheimer, Chap. 3

Feb. 7: Friedman, Chaps. 5-6.

Feb. 12: Friedman, Chap. 7.

Feb. 19: FIRST EXAMINATION

Feb. 21: Mearsheimer, Chap. 4

Feb. 26: Friedman, Chaps. 8-9.

Mar. 5: Mearsheimer, Chap. 5

Mar. 12: Friedman, Chaps.10-14.

Mar. 16-24: Spring Break

Mar. 26: Mearsheimer, Chap. 6.

Apr. 2: SECOND EXAMINATION

Apr. 4: Mearsheimer, Chap. 7.

Apr. 9: Friedman, Chaps. 15-16

Apr. 16: Mearsheimer, Chaps. 8-9.

Apr. 23: Friedman, Chaps. 17-18.
Apr. 25: Mearsheimer, Chap. 10

May 2: Friedman, Chaps. 19-20.